How Do You Know Youre in a Historical Moment

The month of July is a fourth dimension for Americans to await back at the state'south past—specifically to that enduring moment in 1776 when the Second Continental Congress declared independence from Britain. But, while the nearly 250 years since then accept been brimming total of major milestones, not every moment that shaped the country gets the credit it deserves.

With that in mind, TIME asked 15 experts to each nominate an unsung moment from American history. These are events that, though not necessarily widely known today, either changed the national story in some of import way or embodied a significant current. And if yous don't know well-nigh them even so, these historians volition explain why they remember yous should.

Here, their choices:

Oneida allies help George Washington's army at Valley Forge (1777-eight)

Engraving depicting General George Washington kneeling in prayer, while his soldiers camp in the groundwork, at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, during the wintertime of 1777. Copy of engraving by John McRae later on a painting by Henry Brueckner, published 1866.

Interim Archives/Getty Images

During the Revolutionary War, the Oneida allies of the revolutionary army walked hundreds of miles from their homeland in what is now upstate New York to relieve the dearth at Valley Forge in the winter of 1777-78. They carried hundreds of bushels of white corn on their backs and, once in George Washington's encampment, they taught the revolutionaries how to prepare it so it was edible, and thus saved the starving ground forces. But the role tribal nations played on the side of the United States during that conflict — and by extension in every subsequent 1 — has been largely ignored. Peradventure most ignobly, Washington himself seems to have forgotten his allies: immediately subsequently the war he burned and destroyed dozens of Iroquois villages in upstate New York to make style for settlement and in indiscriminate retribution for the help some tribes gave the British. I retrieve it'due south safe to say the true rich legacy of Indian/Anglo relations has been elided in favor of American myths and fantasies, and there is no place in such myths for the sense that America was not fabricated in opposition to Native life but in relation to it.

David Treuer, a professor of English at the University of Southern California, is the author of The Heartbeat of Wounded Knee joint: Native America from 1890 to the Present.

Read more almost George Washington, here in the TIME Vault

Congress decides the Constitution volition have amendments (1789)

The Preamble to the Us Constitution

Joe Sohm/Visions of America/Universal Images Group/Getty

If you ask almost Americans to name something in the Constitution, there'south a good chance they'd name i of the outset x amendments, amend known every bit the Neb of Rights. They might single out the freedom of spoken language or religion, or the correct to bear arms, or prohibitions confronting cruel and unusual punishment. But earlier the Founders could determine which rights to safeguard, they first had to determine how amendments would be added. In August of 1789, contend broke out in the Showtime Federal Congress over this very consequence. James Madison preferred that amendments be seamlessly integrated into the text, while Roger Sherman fought to take them added at the terminate like an appendix. Madison lost this fight — with enormous ramifications for the way nosotros see and empathize the Constitution today. Had Madison prevailed, there would be no First or Second Amendment; their various previsions would have only been scattered throughout Article I. Moreover, there would be no "Pecker of Rights" at all. It would take well over a century earlier Americans identified the showtime amendments in this now-famous manner. Only considering they were set apart, textually and visually, from the offset seven manufactures was this ever possible.

Jonathan Gienapp, an assistant professor of history at Stanford, is the writer of The 2nd Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era.

Read more most the Constitution, here in the Time Vault

New York City gets a botanical garden (1801)

Excavation of site for Rockefeller Heart structure on January 26, 1932. The site was formerly a botanic garden.

NY Daily News/Getty Images

In 1801, on 20 acres of Manhattan farmland, an American doctor founded the start public botanical garden in the United States. David Hosack's vision was for a medical and agricultural enquiry facility that would nurture his young nation. He clustered a collection of more than than 3,000 native and non-native species, among whose contributors were Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson. Hosack used his garden to conduct some of the earliest pharmacological inquiry in the United States and helped bring into being the commencement generation of professional person American botanists. Meanwhile, his medical students went on to establish American hospitals, clinics and medical journals. At the time of his death, Hosack was famous in the United States and Europe — in part for his civic work and in part for his role as attending physician at the 1804 duel of his friends Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr. In 1814, Columbia University acquired Hosack'southward country from the land of New York, which had purchased information technology from Hosack to run for the public do good. Columbia eventually leased the country to John D. Rockefeller Jr., who congenital Rockefeller Center on the site; few know that land was in one case a garden — and nevertheless today in that location are botanical gardens conducting environmental research and didactics in every country, standing the work Hosack started.

Victoria Johnson, an associate professor of urban policy & planning at Hunter College of the City University of New York, is the author of American Eden: David Hosack, Botany, and Medicine in the Garden of the Early Republic.

Read more than virtually that land, hither on TIME.com

Maria Stewart speaks in Boston (1832)

In April 28, 1832, African-American writer and lecturer Maria Stewart spoke earlier Boston's Afric-American Female Intelligence Society — becoming the first American woman on record to speak near politics to an audience comprised of both men and women. In her lectures on the challenges of ending slavery and securing civil rights, Stewart called into question men'due south leadership, suggesting that it was time for black women to exercise greater public influence. Though she had supporters, many idea Stewart had gone also far. Ridicule led Stewart to deliver her "farewell" accost in September 1833. She was not done, nevertheless, and spent the residual of her life training future generations of immature blackness women to enter public life. Early on histories of the women's suffrage movement besides often obscured the roles played by those, like Stewart, who had come before its authors, who included Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Their version was long accepted every bit authoritative. Historian Marilyn Richardson revealed a new story when she recovered Stewart's legacy for usa in her 1987 book Maria W. Stewart: America's Starting time Blackness Adult female Political Writer. Stewart'due south 1832 speech remains a lesson for today as nosotros witness the rise of a new generation of women of color in politics — they are Maria Stewart'due south daughters.

Martha Due south. Jones, a professor of history and Social club of Blackness Alumni Presidential Professor at Johns Hopkins University, is the writer of Birthright Citizens: A History of Race and Rights in Antebellum America.

Read more than nearly Maria Stewart, here on Fourth dimension.com

Lydia Maria Child writes on faith (1855)

Lydia Maria Child (1802-1880) reads a book on a front porch. Child wrote and edited books promoting the suffragist and abolitionist causes.

Corbis/Getty Images

In 1855 the author Lydia Maria Kid, a Transcendentalist and ardent abolitionist, brought out her iii-volume work The Progress of Religious Ideas, Through Successive Ages. Her book was one of the first works on comparative religions written past an American, and remarkable for its dispassionate consideration of non-Christian religions, including Islam. Every bit a "womanist" and abolitionist, she admired that Islamic law allowed women to own belongings and considered manumission praiseworthy, forbidding believers to enslave one another. She also thought Christians hypocritical in ignoring the violence of the Bible and focusing overly on that in the Qur'an. Although Child was one of the more successful novelists and essayists of the 19th century, she is now little taught and is no longer widely read. Our electric current assumptions about 19th century American thought on both Islam and women might be very dissimilar if her fame had endured.

Juan Cole, the Richard P. Mitchell Professor of History at the University of Michigan, is the author of Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires.

Read more virtually Transcendentalism, here in the TIME Vault

Abolitionists circulate images of "Emancipated Slaves, White and Colored" (1864)

An prototype of "Isaac & Rosa, slave children from New Orleans," in 1863. Their photo was amongst the source materials for the engraving that appeared in Harper's Weekly.

Library of Congress

On January. 30, 1864, Harper's Weekly printed a big engraving of a group of recently emancipated children and adults. The explanation described them as "Emancipated Slaves, White and Colored"; the images were based on widely circulated abolitionist photographs of emancipated children from New Orleans, including some who are white-passing. Readers of Harper'due south were presumably convinced of slavery's moral evils, but this didn't mean that they didn't nonetheless hold racial biases against African Americans that made them uncritically accept the logics of racism. The truly pressing fear this image was meant to capitalize on was that if we tin can't read race by merely looking, and people considered legally black could pass for white, then what was to stop the same system of legal slavery from mistaking gratis white citizens for the enslaved?

This story underlines the impossibility of a organisation of slavery based on race, but images and articles like this one are under-known and under-discussed. One reason may be that historians and the general public are wary of bringing in historical examples of the "white slavery" narrative, because they're fearful it will go folded into the onslaught of contemporary faux material about white slavery that circulates in extremist groups to minimize the celebrated grievances of African Americans. Another is likely some discomfort around the idea that Northern abolitionists could exist both vehemently anti-slavery and also racist. So often we narrate history as if there are definitive lines drawn between expert and evil. Just actually historical events are animated by the deportment of individuals, who are ever much more contradictory in their viewpoints and politics.

Danielle Bainbridge, an banana professor in the department of theater at Northwestern, is the host of the PBS Digital Studios web series The Origin of Everything.

Read more about abolition, hither on Time.com

Henrietta Wood wins restitution (1878)

In 1878, a black woman named Henrietta Forest won an early on and largely unknown case of restitution for slavery. Though born enslaved in Kentucky in 1818 or 1820, Wood had been living as a free woman in Cincinnati in 1853 when she was kidnapped and re-enslaved by a white Kentuckian named Zebulon Ward; she ended upwardly living in slavery until later the Civil War. Simply in 1869, Forest returned to Cincinnati and filed a lawsuit against Ward for $xx,000 in damages and lost wages. A federal court handed her a verdict for $2,500, an amount worth $threescore,000 today. Information technology is the largest known sum ever awarded past a U.Southward. courtroom in restitution for slavery, and it received widespread printing coverage at the time — but, every bit Reconstruction gave mode to the Jim Crow era and stories like hers were obscured by Lost Cause myths, it was forgotten past almost everyone except Wood and her son, who went on to become a lawyer in Chicago. Yet this unsung moment in history deserves to be revisited. Information technology not but shows that formerly enslaved people struggled to win reparations from the very beginning, just also serves as a instance study of the differences that restitution could make.

Caleb McDaniel, an acquaintance professor of history at Rice University, is the author of Sweetness Taste of Liberty: A True Story of Slavery and Restitution in America, forthcoming Sept. 2 from Oxford Academy Press.

Read more about reparations, here on Fourth dimension.com

Chinese immigrants refuse to register (1892)

View of a Chinese immigrant customs in California. Photo circa 1900.

Bettmann/Getty Images

Afterwards the Geary Act of 1892 renewed America'due south policy of excluding Chinese immigrants based on their race and course — and also required those who were already here to register with the U.Southward. government or face up deportation — Chinese immigrants in the United States participated in an act of mass ceremonious disobedience. Nearly xc,000 Chinese immigrants refused to register by the deadline, grinding U.Southward. immigration command to a halt. The U.S. simply did not have the money or manpower to deport xc,000 immigrants, so it could not enforce the constabulary; a man named Fong Yue Ting also challenged the law before the Supreme Court. But, although the protest marked a loftier indicate in immigrant activism, the courtroom ruled that the U.S. did accept the power to deport immigrants even if they were long-term residents in the The states. Post-obit the ruling, most of the protesters relented and registered with the U.Due south. government, and their fight was forgotten past many. And yet Justice Stephen Field delivered a dissent in Fong Yue Ting v. U.S. (1893) that bears repeating today. "As to its cruelty," he wrote, "cypher can exceed a forcible deportation from a land of one'southward residence, and the breaking up of all the relations of friendship, family, and business."

Beth Lew-Williams, an assistant professor of history at Princeton University, is the author of The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America.

Read more almost the Chinese Exclusion Act, here on Fourth dimension.com

Rural Free Commitment begins (1896)

Mailboxes on a country route, circa 1940

Bettmann/Getty Images

Urban Americans had been receiving their mail service at habitation since 1863. Only rural Americans had had to trek dozens of miles to their nearest Mail Function, not even knowing whether there was any mail service waiting for them. When Congress voted for Rural Free Delivery, or "RFD," politicians hoped that daily mail delivery could get vital information to farmers and ease the isolation of farm life. Millions of rural people eagerly subscribed to daily newspapers and monthly magazines once RFD fabricated information technology affordable, and the postal service-lodge catalogs that came through the post put some of the luxuries of urban life within reach of rural families: wrist watches, French lace, electric toasters. RFD had some unintended consequences too; when farmers stopped traveling to boondocks to become the mail and started shopping in catalogs, local businesses suffered. Because it proved difficult for postmen to navigate narrow muddied roads, the federal government devoted funds to improve mail service roads, offset in 1916 and once again in 1936. This made a vast deviation for rural people's ability to have their crops to market and send their children to school. Rural Complimentary Delivery price the authorities $forty meg per year in the 1910s, and that money improved access to appurtenances and information for millions of people. But we don't always make the connection between the tax we pay and the services that benefit united states of america, and when government programs work well, we sometimes forget they're in that location at all.

Julia Guarneri, a university lecturer in American history at the University of Cambridge, is the author of Newsprint Metropolis: City Papers and the Making of Modern Americans.

Read more about Rural Free Delivery, here in the TIME Vault

The Texas Legislature investigates the Rangers (1919)

View of the State Capitol Building (completed 1888), Austin, Texas, 1960.

PhotoQuest/Getty Images

Betwixt 1910 and 1920, state police force enforcement officers and Anglo vigilantes in the Texas-Mexico borderlands murdered hundreds of ethnic Mexican residents, American citizens and Mexican nationals alike. Assailants rarely faced abort and grand juries regularly failed to indict the accused for wrongdoing. For members of police enforcement, a civilisation of impunity prevailed. The abuses were so all-encompassing that in 1919 the Texas legislature agreed to investigate charges. The records left past the investigation of the Texas Rangers exit a clear record of state crimes but also a record of state agents attempting to justify the violence. On Feb. 19, the commission declared that, though the charges of misconduct were "established past sufficient and competent evidence," the border remained a unsafe place. The country reduced the number of agents, simply the Texas Rangers connected with widespread support.

In the years post-obit the 1919 investigation, the state legislature, the media and historians actively worked to undo any harm that had been washed to the perception of the state police. The records of the proceedings were filed abroad in the Texas Country Archives in Austin; access to the documents was limited as the Ranger myth flourished in Hollywood and elsewhere. Today, the nigh 1600 pages of documents are digitally available for view through the Texas State Archives, but the myth of the Texas Rangers continues to loom large. A century after, worrisome trends of police abuse and the denial of rights and protections for migrants continues.

Monica Muñoz Martinez, an assistant professor of American studies & indigenous studies at Brown University, is the author of The Injustice Never Leaves You: Anti-Mexican Violence in Texas.

Read more near the institution of the Texas Rangers mythology, here in the TIME Vault

The first Social Security numbers are assigned (1936)

Employees at piece of work establishing individual social security accounts for millions of workers at the wage records part in 1936

Bettmann/Getty Images

In Nov of 1936, the fledgling Social Security Board set out to assign unique nine-digit numbers to some 26 1000000 U.S. workers, calling this a chore "of a magnitude never before equaled in whatever Government or private undertaking." The first Social Security number was issued on the first of Dec to a human being named John David Sweeney Jr., a 23-twelvemonth-old whom TIME quoted equally noting that his retirement was "a long way off." The SSN was a product of its time: the economic wreckage of the Great Depression and the New Deal ambitions of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Although the identifying digits were overshadowed past the nation-changing plan of which they were part, those numbers would become affixed to nearly every American life across the next century, spurring new uses of punch cards and filing systems too as novel dilemmas effectually information. Over time, the SSN became a de facto national ID, used by banks and insurance agencies, to rails revenue enhancement returns, and to place college students. By the 1970s, the number indexed a wealth of sensitive information in computer data banks, prompting major privacy legislation. In our ain time the SSN is as oftentimes associated with risk — from identity theft or information breaches — as security, something that could not accept been predictable by the newly numbered Americans of the 1930s.

Sarah Due east. Igo, director of the programme in American Studies and associate professor of history at Vanderbilt Academy, is the writer of The Known Denizen: A History of Privacy in Modern America.

Read more than about the first Social Security Numbers, here in the TIME Vault

The Women's Army Auxiliary Corps is born (1942)

Women's Auxiliary Army Corps (WAAC) uniform presentation in 1942

Galerie Bilderwelt/Getty Images

In 1941, Congresswoman Edith Nourse Rogers (R-MA) introduced legislation to create the Women'due south Ground forces Auxiliary Corps, seeking to bring opportunities and equality to women who served in the American military. Her goal was to better on the treatment women faced during Globe War I, but the bill was met with criticism, including from Representative Clare Hoffman (R-MI) who questioned, "who so will do the cooking, the washing, the mending, the humble homey tasks to which every woman has devoted herself?" The adjacent twelvemonth, later on Congressional debate, with the blessing of George C. Marshall and signature of President Roosevelt, the WAAC began operations. When it was converted to become a role of the Ground forces, losing its auxiliary status, its members became the first non-nurse women to serve in the U.S. Army. In supporting America'south mobilization during World War 2, over 150,000 women served as WACs, continuing to shift the norms of women in the military and in our order, paving the way for future advancements in both. Rosie the Riveter may be the more famous image of women serving the country during WWII, just the creation of the WAACs divers a cultural and war machine shift that blossomed into increased opportunities for women.

Joseph Welch, a social studies teacher at North Hills Middle School in Pittsburgh, was named the 2018 National History Teacher of the Year past the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History.

Read more about the WAACs, here in the TIME Vault

Perfecto Martinez is confined as a "sexual psychopath" (1948)

On Feb. x, 1948, in San Bernardino, Calif., Perfecto Martinez was charged with and bedevilled of the crime of "being an idle, lewd and dissolute person" for appearing in public dressed in female article of clothing. The court sentenced Martinez to six months in the county jail, simply, a few weeks into the term, another court determined them (information technology's not articulate what their gender identity was) to be a "sexual psychopath" and had them transferred to a state hospital to remain indefinitely until they "recovered." Martinez was confined until at least 1955. Sexual psychopath laws fell out of favor in the 1960s and '70s, when psychiatrists, criminologists, LGBTQ activists and others challenged their legitimacy — especially for the way in which those laws were used to pathologize and criminalize LGBTQ people. Yet, when lawmakers later enacted a flurry of "sexually tearing predator" and "civil delivery" laws, this time focused on the goal of protecting children, they notwithstanding imported some of the problematic tactics of that earlier era, including indefinite confinement.

Perfecto Martinez's incarceration took place in the context of the so-called Lavender Scare, a midcentury social and political crackdown on LGBTQ people effectually the aforementioned time as the Ruddy Scare. While the phenomenon of the Scarlet Scare and its effects on political dissidents are well known, the Lavender Scare is but beginning to be incorporated into narratives near U.S. history.

Scott De Orio, a Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow at the Sexualities Project at Northwestern, was the 2019 winner of the John D'Emilio LGBTQ History Dissertation Award from the Organization of American Historians.

Read more than virtually the Lavender Scare era, hither on Time.com

Fannie Lou Hamer testifies (1964)

Mississippi Liberty Autonomous Party delegate Fannie Lou Hamer speaks out for the meeting of her delegates at a credential meeting prior to the formal meeting of the Autonomous National Convention.

Bettmann/Getty Images

On Aug. 22, 1964, Fannie Lou Hamer delivered one of the about powerful speeches in U.South. history. The fiery civil rights activist traveled all the way from Mississippi to Atlantic City, Northward.J., to challenge the all-white Mississippi delegation to the Autonomous National Convention (DNC). Before a televised audition of millions of viewers, this former sharecropper, who had registered to vote for the first time in her 40s, demanded blackness political rights and boldly denounced voter suppression and country-sanctioned violence. Despite President Lyndon B. Johnson's endeavour to silence Hamer, her testimony sent stupor waves throughout the nation, and set in movement a series of events that ultimately led to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Mainstream narratives of the Civil Rights Move tend to focus on loftier-contour events — and often through the perspectives of men. Yet Hamer's story, and her iconic speech communication before the DNC in 1964, represent one of the most significant developments during this period. Although less well known, Hamer'due south speech communication underscores the power of public testimony, and exemplifies how ordinary men and women can alter the trajectory of American politics.

Keisha N. Blain, an associate professor of history at the University of Pittsburgh and Editor-in-Main of The North Star, is the author of Set the World on Fire: Black Nationalist Women and the Global Struggle for Freedom.

Read more about Fannie Lou Hamer, here on TIME.com

The Exorcist is released (1973)

American extra Linda Blair on the ready of The Exorcist

Warner Bros. Pictures/Corbis via Getty Images

The day after Christmas in 1973, the movie The Exorcist opened. The film shocked audiences with realistic scenes of the demonic wedged betwixt portraits of human incertitude and guilt. During its initial run the moving picture grossed more $165 million, earning more coin than The Godfather. The attention paid to The Exorcist wasn't just a matter of horror-flick fun: it also revealed early stirrings of a conservative religious revival that would modify the political and cultural landscape of the country. Americans were not but looking for a good scare, they were drawn to a story that documented in painstaking detail the failure of science, medicine and psychology. In exchange, The Exorcist presented the convictions and actions of Catholic Jesuits equally able to realign that which was broken. While some Protestants would later adapt exorcism rituals to fit their own spiritual needs, the movie's broader bear upon was to demonstrate the relevance and power of organized faith that took the supernatural seriously.

Colleen McDannell, a professor of history at the University of Utah, is the writer of Sis Saints: Mormon Women since the End of Polygamy.

Read TIME'due south original review of The Exorcist, here in the Time Vault

Correction: June 30, 2019

The original version of this story included a photo caption that misstated Fannie Lou Hamer's first name. It is spelled Fannie, not Fanny.

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